25. Gottlieb, Dream of Reason (20 Dec 2024)

An introductory study of pre-Socratic and classical philosophy which seeks to rehabilitate those schools which were shunned in the Scholastic period. Sophism is a legitimate pursuit of wisdom, but more importantly the ‘suppression’ of the Sceptics and Epicureans retarded Western science, for the Scholastics were overly concerned to accommodate Plato and Aristotle. Gottlieb’s explication is conventional: science had to jettison faith before moving ahead.

The Greeks appreciated intellectual order. For the Pythagoreans, maths was key to the order and beauty of the universe. Parmenides was the first to ask how the individual (i.e., the subject) processed mind, language, and the objective world; from him sprang the contrasting of reason and the senses; after his paradoxes, epistemology required reworking. For Parmenides there could be no discussion of what is not, which opened the way to non-mathematical disciplines using deduction as well as logic ab absurdum. (Hegel suggested Parmenides revealed the ‘transitory has no truth’, meaning anything that changes cannot be real.) Empedocles came closest to premodern physics with his dichotomy of love and strife. Like many of the best of the early Greeks, his accounts were a mix of astute observation and imaginative extrapolation, the latter drawing on metaphors and analogies not experimentation. (In a characteristic aside, Gottlieb notes Aristotle disliked Empedocles’ theory of the random, for nature was purposeful; natural selection the was consequently ‘stamped out’ until Darwin.) Democritus’ ancient atomism was the ‘crowning achievement’ in philosophy before Plato. It was, however, opposed by early Christians for explaining all in terms of mechanics, and for rejecting life after death. Along with Leucippus, Democritus evinced ‘premature modernity’ in seeing a vast, impersonal universe unconcerned with human telos. Gottlieb again: we are ‘rapidly filling in details’ of the cosmological trajectory without the first mover (Darwin having provided impetus), but the author does not address the origin of matter. Separately, Democritus asserted virtue is self-interested.

The Sophists sought to take over from poets and playwrights as educators. They were searching for truth, demanding to know reasons for moral ends, and comfortable with irresolvable complexities – making them relativists, following Protagoras. (Modern relativism derives from Kant, who thought man could know universal truths because human minds are the same in crucial respects; but if they are not then there are many truths.) ‘The victory goes to the best speaker’ is not cynical but only normative; but what of ‘making the weaker argument the stronger’?; Adamson and Leroy would not agree. Plato’s interest in separating Socratic philosophy from Sophistry was driven by class interest (i.e., Sophists sought payment) as well as self-defense in a turbulent era, Gottlieb says.
For Socrates, the most important thing is tending to the welfare of the soul, which benefits when we do right, and suffers when we do wrong. One must be wise enough to anticipate consequences and so do right; it is a craft of using all subordinate virtues (e.g., honesty, frugality, etc.). The real figure, not the Platonic edition, sought understanding of how to live virtuously, principally through courage, moderation, piety, wisdom, and justice. Where Socrates saw defining these virtues as means to the end, Plato saw the end in itself, the eternal form, and Aristotle accused Socrates of conflating theoretical and practical questions: we don’t wish to know what bravery is but to be brave, nor what justice is but to be just, the same as we wish to be healthy not to know what health is. The Platonic forms are like Parmenides’ One albeit more closely related to physical world. The forms are the north star to common sense. The tyrant’s core problem is an ill-balanced soul, unguided by reason. The happiest man (in the Republic) is reasonable, not distracted; is a master craftsman.

Aristotle’s view of technology is entirely unlike Bacon in that knowledge of nature is desirable in itself, not a means to utility. Having no means of measurement, his physics couldn’t be extended, whereas dissection advanced biology, so he tended to deal in absolutes (i.e., heavy-light) not degrees; but he was perceptive about such concepts as time, space, infinity. In effect, his conception of science assumed all the data has been gathered, so the question was how to organize findings into axioms. In actuality he knew it was not so but medieval scholars didn’t and skipped further research to concentrate on syllogisms. The first questions of ethics are ‘what is the good for man’, ‘what is the aim of humanity’. We inquire not to know what is excellence but to become good. Ethics is the prologue to politics: ethics studies the best people’s characters and actions, whereas politic studies the laws and constitutions that promote excellence.

The succeeding Hellenistic schools of thought (Epicureans, Stoics, Skeptics, Cynics) followed Socrates in seeking a practical relevance of philosophy: change your priorities, change your life. Epicureans thought the world is completely unplanned; Stoics that it is rationally organized to the last detail; Skeptics would not endorse but merely point out alternatives, asking what do the experts really know if they are always changing their views. Epicureanism is the main ancestor of utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill. Lucretius, a materialist (atomist), held random behavior is not the key to freedom of will, for there is no agency.

A long chapter covering late antiquity through the 17th century holds Scholastic thought mainly adapted the ‘big three’ to the Christian era, retarding science and thus philosophy by making these disciplines beholden to Christianity. Gottlieb’s view is entirely contrary to Rubenstein; Leroy’s is the better survey. Ockham thought essence was not the purpose of science because it’s misleading: God is not obliged to take notice. Catholic thinkers made use of Skepticism because it validated the status quo (i.e., lack of change). All the best thinkers of the 17th century struggled with the implications of the new scientific method, and here was science’s chance to break free: if matter is in flux and perceptions are subjective, once Newton’s clockmaker is discounted, how much truth is there in the empirical senses? For Gottlieb, the ancients do not supply a way to arrest the regression to nihilism.

NB: Aristotle quoted the Sophist Gorgias as saying: kill the opponent’s earnest argument with jest, and playful argument with seriousness.

24. Adamson, Classical Philosophy (7 Dec 2024)

Explicates the continuum of pre-Socratic, Socratic and Platonic, and Aristotelian philosophy, from the first systematic inquiries into nature and man’s nature until the end of Hellenistic period, generally presenting matters on their own terms rather than in context of future history of philosophy.

Pre-Socratic: The theme of constant, dynamic opposition against underlying unity preoccupied the departure from mythology and religion. Pythagoras preceded Plato’s forms (and also Descartes’ cogito) with a dualist theory of soul and also the representational power of numbers. Parmenides debuted the precedence of reason (rationalism) over empirical evident, and the role of being (ontology) in argument and consequence. But the problem of non-being was unresolved. Democritus considered that science banished the common-sense experience of the world (whereas moderns consider science more an extension or an enhancement). Anaxagoras embodied the pre-Socratics’ system-building efforts, whereas post-Aristotelians (Skeptics, Stoics, Cynics, Epicureans) were essentially ethicists, seeking to live an untroubled life. Empedocles married religious trappings to a rational cosmology. Medicine and philosophy were closely related in the Greek world, as in the Hippocratic oath.

The Sophists, embodied by Protagoras, were not dispassionately seeking truth, contra Gottlieb, but foreshadowed relativism in their pursuit of ‘making the weaker argument the stronger’ or in ‘man is the measure of all things’. Sophism assimilates virtue to what is advantageous, pace Thrasymachus, since morality is no more than social convention. Gorgias doubted the reality of being itself, the better to operate at the level of seeming than to pursue knowledge.
Socrates invented the view of philosophy as a pursuit of how men should live, versus the pursuit of metaphysics. Epistemology and ethics, though distinctly separate in modern philosophy, cannot be so if virtue is knowledge. In Meno, the Platonic Socrates asks not for a list of virtues but what they have in common. New theories are to be subjected to the test of consistency with itself (i.e., if nothing is true, is that itself true?)

Plato, considering the soul immortal, thereby explains how it knows of immortal forms (i.e., the so-called theory of recollection). Forms are standards of judgment, guideposts in human knowledge. ‘Good’ is the super-form; thereafter come being, change, rest, sameness, difference. Being is pervaded by difference, thereby disposing of the problem of being arising from not being; for what is not is false, not nothing. To be explanatory, the cause must give rise of the outcome; the true cause should not be consistent with other effects (i.e., largeness does not produce smallness). Knowledge is always true whereas belief can be true or false, and ignorance is always false. More elaborately: imagination < belief < thought < understanding < knowledge. Dialectic is the process of hypothesizing and then discovering the principles which support the hypothesis. The dialectician divides the inquiry’s evidence along ‘natural joints’ of categorization. Language is built on a presumption of stability, of shared meaning (convention), even if usage changes just as substance changes. It is a likelihood not a permanence. Phaedo and Republic utilize unchanging forms and changing things that participate in them. Timaeus introduces the demiurge, the mover. Aristotle saw dialectic more simply as argument from agreed premises. Logic is categorical: statements relate subject to predicate, in order to proceed to the syllogism. A demonstrative syllogism shows not only that something is (or is not) the case but why. The premises of demonstrative syllogisms must identify essential features of the things in consideration. ‘Accidental’ features (a giraffe with a broken toe) are not significant, contra modern science. For Aristotle, epistemology is fairly the same as the philosophy of science (systematic exploration), save that episteme encompasses all disciplines. Also in contrast to modern empiricism (e.g., Hume): though sense experience stops the regress of endless demonstration, rational or even plausible deduction is permissible even though they may be overturned. Items in the world are primary, not derivative of forms: without beautiful things there's no such thing as beauty. Changes involves the nature or property, called form, and the underlying substance, matter. The four causes are the material (substance), the formal (definition or determination), the efficient (the dynamic) and the final (purpose). Substance has potential to actually become something else. As to ethics, one seeks not only the ideal life but the good life that earns the admiration of others. Virtue is achieved by those raised well – by habituation. The virtuous action lies between the extremes, the rational discernment or perception of right action in the circumstance; but there is the problem of ‘moral luck’, ethics as a product of happenstance, as a luxury. Only the virtuous can have friends, who share interests and right action. Sensation isn’t the same as imagination, which is closer to preliminary thinking; yet it is short of belief. Adamson’s treatment of Aristotle’s political philosophy is shallow.

18. Biggar, Colonialism (23 August 2024)

The British empire evidenced both good and evil, defying the simplistic judgements of leftist critics. Imperialism, so far from being an ideological ‘project’, was more a race to catch up with trading and settlement. After the American Revolution, British society converted to antislavery: the Colonial Office’s intentions were Christian and humanitarian, above all dedicated to eradicating slavery and instilling such characteristic institutions as parliamentary accountability, a free press, and independent courts. Though detractors frequently compare the empire with Nazism, the ultimate proof of British aims are evident in its spending the last of its resources to oppose Germany in the world wars.

Social hierarchy is not itself immoral. Any large society will arrange a division of labor; the challenge is preventing functional hierarchy. There are countless examples of colonial administrators insisting on British rule of law applied in harmony with local customer, such Governor of Madras Thomas Muro writing in the 1820s to the East India Company directors: ‘You are not here to turn India into England or Scotland. Work through, not in spite of, native systems and native ways, with a prejudice in the favour rather than against them; and when in the fullness of time your subject can frame and maintain a worthy government for themselves, get out and take the glory of the achievement and the sense of having done your duty as the chief reward for your exertions’.

Because slavery had not existed in England for many centuries, the common law was silent. Parliament abolished slavery in British colonies in 1806, during the Napoleonic wars, subverting its economy. In 1819 the Foreign Office established an (anti) Slave Trade Department, its largest precinct during the 1820s and 30s. In contrast, Muslim slavery persisted to 1920. An estimated 17 million Africans were sold east over second millennium (?) versus 11 million across the Atlantic.
Colonial governments, especially in the dominions, unilaterally bound themselves to respecting native property law, as an extension of (western) natural law. Modern claims that treaties were made by uncomprehending natives do not falsify the intention, but do indicate partisanship. Further, the oral histories often cited as evidence are often framed, anthropology has shown, to make sense of the present rather than to demonstrate the past. Those in the 21st century who believe the West should cease ‘oppressing the global south’ largely align with 19th-century Christian missionaries, whom they pejoratively label imperialist. Whereas Nigerian national Chinua Achebe exemplifies those who recognize imperialism both harmed and helped: no culture has a right to isolation.

In Australasia and Africa, policies for detaining aboriginals were limited measures to preclude violent resistance to settlement, not ipso facto racism. Other times segregation was meant to protect natives. In North America as well, British government was borne of Christian, Enlightenment views of human equality and cultural advancement not the competition of social Darwinism. Economic exploitation is hardly unique to colonialism, see Stalinist or Maoist industrialization. Famines are not attributable to policy: they persisted in the postwar era. The novelty of welfare policies, as well as penurious colonial governmental, makes their absence an anachronism. There is no evidence of racism in India’s partition, but perhaps overcaution after failing to prevent Irish civil war. Comparisons with Nazism (but never Soviet communism) are polemical.

That India’s economic output, measured in a global framework, collapsed over the 19th century does not prove imperial exploitation, since independent China fell equally dramatically; the neo-Marxist theory of appropriating surplus does not account for the Industrial Revolution. To the contrary, free trade opened the English market to the UK’s disadvantage. In west Africa, the worst excesses of agricultural boards (commissariats) came from the hands of postcolonials exploiting dated systems. Between 1870-1945, three quarters of foreign capital invested into sub-Saharan Africa was British.

Contemporary historians fairly point to examples of racism, economic exploitation, cultural repression, and wanton violence. But these are not essential only wrongful. They overlook British suppression of slavery, efforts to moderate the impacts on traditional societies, the seeding of modern agriculture, the opportunity of free trade, and the provision of civil services and judiciary to pre-democratic societies. The dominions as well as Israel and the United States are some of the world’s most advanced countries.

Detractors cannot distinguish between just war and Fanon’s and Satre’s cathartic violence. Biggar, an ethicist rather than a historian, declares himself a Burkean conservative. Moral (Christian) understanding of human frailties should promote tolerance of past and even present shortcomings. He points out it’s banal to say Milner wanted power; of course he did, pressing the Cabinet into the second Boer for the purpose of securing English institutions including equal treatment of blacks, whereas Kruger sought legal subordination. In this and other instance, historians have got culpability wrong. Discussing the possibility of reparations, he notes what is just smaller or earlier societies may not be in larger or later countries. Compensation requires demonstration of current harm caused by past wrongs, not merely current disadvantage.

12. Scruton, Short History of Modern Philosophy (19 May 2024)

Explicates European philosophy from Descartes to Wittgenstein: modern pursuits commenced with the identification of the subject, were borne along by detachment of the object, and concluded when the subject became knowable in light of the object. As in phenomenology, the author treats the big questions as regarding certainty and doubt.

To be part of the history of philosophy, an idea must have been significant in the train of philosophic thought, whereas history of ideas is concerned only with an idea’s influence on human affairs, for what distinguishes philosophic thought is its primary concern with possibility, necessity, and truth (validity), not actuality.

Dispute over universals was an important distinction between empiricism and rationalism, the measurable / demonstrable versus the deductible. This in turn pointed up the importance of language. Abstraction, the concern of practical methodology prior to modernity, turned on either Platonic objects or intellectual criticism of methodology.

Bacon rejected Aristotelian deduction in favor of induction, and postulated universal laws based on observed instances, marrying empirical and rational. This ended scholasticism and paved the way for Descartes. (The ontological argument that God is proven because no greater entity can be held from Aristotle through St Anselm though the medieval schoolmen naturally favored Platonic ideas versus skepticism.) The Frenchman held human knowledge is a tree, the trunk being physics and the roots metaphysics. Philosophy ought to commence with a method of doubt in order to arrive at undoubted propositions. These must be at least as much real in cause as effect (cosmology versus ontology). This radical break with scholasticism renewed both rationalism and empiricism. Not the Renaissance but the birth of modern philosophy in the early 17th century is the origin of the modern West. Science and philosophy went hand in hand. Descartes sought for fundamental laws so general as to explain all, yet a prior (i.e., not demonstrable by experiment), deductively departing from metaphysics.

Spinoza: the more active a man in respect of behavior, the more his consciousness understands cause. The more man grasps the cause of causes, the more free he is. Leibniz’s rationalism turns on the principle of contradiction (that which opposes false is true) and the principle of sufficient reason (for every truth there is a threshold of evidence that’s enough). Rationalism assumes man possesses ideas which outstrip experience (e.g., God, cause, self). The existence of innate ideas is not necessary for language, as Locke showed: possession of a concept does not equal the power to acquire it. Locke (tabula rasa) and Leibniz (monads) were arguing over the possibility of a priori ideas. Shaftesbury thought love of beauty is animated by perception of happiness, which is much the same as the tendency to admire virtue (in others). Bishop Joseph Butler asserted, borrowing from Cicero, the distinction between power and authority: conscience is a steady force that is both maker of law (common to men) and provider of notice to obedience. There is no such thing as a love of injustice or oppression. Hume’s naturalism (i.e., close connection with human nature) led to preferring custom over reason whenever choice is not obvious. Skepticism is more empirical use of reason than deductive, reason being the subordinate of passions; if reason were superordinate, we would be driven to radical skepticism whenever reason had no competence. Thus reason should cede to custom, the exemplar of human nature. The Philosophes were rooted in Cartesian skepticism, born of metaphysics, but added nothing to philosophy: theirs was more polemics, to ridicule rather than generate new understandings.

Kant asserted the legitimacy of rational deduction (including its limits). Skepticism doesn’t hold because deduction allows for understanding the object, and the principles of science allow for a priori knowledge. Science is a posteriori, based in experience, but rests on axioms and principles which cannot be demonstrated, what he called synthetic a priori or necessary truth. Neither empiricism nor rationalism provides a coherent theory of knowledge, which is achieved through the synthesis of concept and experience, and which synthesis can never be observed as a process but must be presupposed as a result. ‘Transcendental’ means to overcome through rationalization what argument must presuppose. Experience conforms to ‘categories’ of understanding which are a priori (e.g., table < artifact < object < substance). Kant like Descartes begins from self-consciousness but rejects the priority of the first person (subjectivity), which precludes empiricist epistemology. Metaphysics is superior to epistemology, because the former enables the senses to deliver. The tendency of reason to outstrip intelligibility is the dialectic of reason, a concept which influenced Hegel. Kant revived the ancient distinction between theoretical and practical reason, setting the stage for German idealism. Theoretical (pure) reason guides belief, practical reason guides action. The former aims at truth, the latter at rightness. The former can lead to understanding or standing on reason; however practical reason, being a judgment of imperatives (i.e., objective conditions), does not automatically generate morality. This points to the categorical imperative, the universal, unconditional treatment of humans as ends in themselves. The idea conclusively undermines Hume’s skepticism, since reason is no longer inert, subject to desire: the moral law is not only universal but necessary, for there’s no way of practical thinking can ignore these features. This is a priori – but Kant left open a gap in metaphysics and ethics by omitting proof of objective necessity – practical reason cannot demonstrate how things are (e.g., that God exists or the soul is immortal) but only how things ought to be. No moral law is intelligible without freedom; to act in concert with the law out of coercion does not prove the law, but the actor must choose to comply from the premise of reason, conscious of his autonomy. No one has argued more for the objectivity of morality, but Kant’s aesthetics, which form a picture of relation of the mind to experience, accommodates subjectivity. Morality cannot be observed by experience but must be treated as so because of the ‘pressure of reason’. Fichte thought understanding knowledge is a free, self-producing object which knows itself by determining itself, realizing freedom in an objective world. This view of venturing outward, alienating the self (that is, thesis-antithesis), to emerge with synthetic self-consciousness and understanding of order, runs through Hegel, Marx, Heidegger, and others. Hegel sought to replace Aristotelian logic by starting not from the structure of argument but the nature of being: logic is not preserving truth (formality) but telling what truth is (substance). (Modern logic advanced so as to set both aside, by adopting conditionality.) While Kant saw the dialectic as propensity to fall into contradictions, for Hegel it was the likelihood of surmounting them. Concepts are true or false. The historical process is dialectic, but is logic a science of relations among ideas, or an intellectual operation whose relations are to be discovered? (The character of any ontological proof is demonstrated in procession from concept to reality.) Hegel’s genius for abstraction inevitably leads away from subject of thought to thought itself, resulting in metaphysical blurring of the distinction between thought and reality – the principal characteristic of idealism. Hegel tries to show knowledge of the self as the subject presupposes not only knowledge of objects but also knowledge of the public (social) world which possesses moral order and civic trust - that is, the basis of the categorical imperative. This re-abolishes Kant’s separation of practical and theoretical wisdom, since the subject is not constrained to acknowledge the other (the object). The real subject, as in the phenomenological view, is Geist not the solipsistic self. Hegel’s metaphysics is largely independent of epistemology, avoiding Descartes’ first person. The dialectic of reason works through ontology: nothing exists which is not pure being, derived from rational synthesis of concept. The ‘cunning of reason’ is the world discovering that the seemingly contingent is in fact necessary – the real is rational, the rational real. Consequences in history, politics, art criticism and so on have been disastrous. Hegel was truly a philosopher of modernity, though like Bertrand Russell, who saw only exterior of thought, missed the import of the profound spiritual crisis which he sought to describe, the crisis of a society newly understanding God was its own creation. Schopenhauer: one’s self-awareness consists of knowing one’s own will, but only as a phenomenon, that is, in a given space and time. Though disappointed w Hegel’s popularity, he made Kant’s system more understandable: it jibed with Romanticism and Christian Germany, and prefigured Wagner and Nietzsche, who chose will over resignation, thereby foreclosing romanticism in Germany philosophy. Kierkegaard criticized Hegel for transferring religious faith from Christian god to philosophy of history. This was a necessary outcome but false because logic, the science of inference, cannot provide its own premises and also the Hegelian universal subject is in fact the absence of subject. Kierkegaard moved back toward the Cartesian subject. Nietzsche, despite a very different style, was highly Aristotelian, seeing good in ordering passions the right way, into self-mastery; these were not located in religion. Trying to forestall nihilism, not to promote it, his radical critique of identifying the ‘will to believe’ in orthodoxy has been beloved of the West’s leftist critics. Hobbes’ assertion that man’s obligations to political society stem from himself is the most important idea promoted by the philosophes. Rousseau’s general will comes about from men coming into civil society: it is not the will of all, though notoriously it can force men to be free. One of Hegel’s most important innovations in political thought is the state as an entity (as compared with civil society). He denied the social contract: individual autonomy can only be defined in reference to society. His civic obligations stem from piety to the polis, and the individual finds freedom in self-discovery commencing with the family (itself another innovation – recognizing a private institution as a political but also not contractual). Marx thought the nature of man isn’t fixed but laws are intended, like property, to be permanent, thus discouraging fluidity (toward the ends of equality) in social relations and ensuring the subject’s alienation from the self. This is laid out in German Ideology, which seeks to undermine the moral and political order of capitalism. Alienation (false consciousness) is necessary to correct errors of perception in the social world. Ultimately the nature of man, the movement (philosophy) of history, and the conception of economic value are each attempts to define what determines man’s consciousness. They are all material (substantive) and social, and all ‘labor’ in that this is the heart of a political philosophy which sees the common man as supporting the superstructure of society (i.e., the labor theory of value). Burke’s roots were in the moral psychology of the 18th century. The Utilitarians were fundamentally concerned with the nature of political freedom, but the concept of the rational agent, present from Plato to Kant, disappears in the ‘greatest good for greatest number’ formulation. Mill demonstrated the difference between logic and science in distinguishing between deduction and induction. His individual is anarchic, subject to impulse, and lacking the north star of freedom, as Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy pointed out. The practical response is embodied in the British idealism of FH Bradley, who saw the individual inherently operating in a social milieu. Since Kant assigned metaphysics to synthetic a priori, giving math as the preeminent exemplar, Frege’s demonstration that math is analytic opened the way for the modern rejection of metaphysical argument. Frege, who had overturned Aristotelian, syllogistic logic, showed math is not concerned with the properties of objects but the second-order properties of properties of objects, vindicating the Kantian assertion that existence is not an Aristotelian predicate. Statements of identity are not statements which predicate the property of an object. Venus is the morning star can be reversed, but Socrates is wise cannot, so the distinction between subject and predicate is the ability to assign properties to the object (otherwise everything is an arbitrary determination). Frege’s views allow for extension (i.e., truth value) and intention (truth conditions) in sentences. Extensions are detachable, and so independent existence is possible for objects. Phenomenology, credited mainly to Husserl, is the necessary preliminary to science of the mind – psychology – since it locates prior to description, classification, or explanation in the individual’s mental acts. It is the access to meaning created by these acts, the world becoming present to individual consciousness. Phenomenology is the understanding of essences, therefore an a priori science. Hermeneutics searches for reasons not causes, understanding texts as expression of the creator’s rational activity (i.e., understandings of the author’s intentions better than he does). The classifications aren’t scientific, are not disprovable, and so an axiomatic authority. Husserl’s work revived efforts to distinguish between human real (of meaning) from the natural realm (science); his Lebenswelt showed science had invaded where its power is groundless, but nonetheless results in a moral vacuum, for Lebenswelt collapses when not sustained by reflection on human matters. Of the existentialists, Heidegger was most concerned to counter the role of science, addressing time in the Kantian notion of the form of an inner sense. Satre would later pick up the thread, both he and Heidegger following Hegel in complicated means of distinguishing things from persons. Heidegger addressed the modern problem of self-knowledge via ontology, based on self-consciousness. After him, philosophy’s detour from logic, metaphysics, and epistemology allowed it to (again) stray into the psychology: moral exhibitionism is logical end of existentialism. Satre, following suit, proposed existence precedes essence: there is no human nature, since there’s no God to have conceived nature; essences vanish with the human mind that created them. Descartes cogito is transformed by Husserl’s phenomenology: all consciousness is intentional, the subject-object relation arises in ways that defy common-sense description. Sartre introduced nothingness as an entity, making logical mistakes and consequently forcing him to strain language. Like Socrates, his discussion (e.g., of Pierre not being in a café) introduces aporia. He leads to the inability to distinguish objects from subjects, an anguished path to ethical subjectivism. Any attempt to establish a system of values represents an attempt to transfer individual freedom to the objective world, which is to cede freedom for nothing, since there is no valid order. Sartre seeks to preserve Kant’s ethic of moral autonomy while divesting it o commitment to a moral law: he cannot transcend the impasse of paradox and dialectics. Wittgenstein, who concluded Heidegger evidenced a ‘bewitchment of intelligence’ in his use of (convoluted) language, was the most important philosopher of the 20th century. He saw truth as extension that is vital to logic and analysis. Logic must be transparent, while analysis (analytical philosophy) assumes the surface form of language to contain hidden logical structures. His philosophy ended the tradition of inquiry premised on the subject which started with Descartes, refuting the possibility of pure phenomenology, since nothing can be learned from the study of the first person alone (Cartesian examination). The first person distinction between being and seeming collapses, nothing can be certain, only a common public language determining first-person ‘knowledge’: I know things because others agree the premise. The condition of self-knowledge is a knowledge of others; the third person takes priority. The first person certainty of Descartes (rationalism) and Hume (empiricism) had been displaced, and with it modern epistemology and metaphysics. The ambitions of Kant and Hegel to remove the self from the core of knowledge have been achieved. What is the relation between logic and dialectics (science of deduction)? NB: Bertrand Russell thought the worse one’s logic, the more interested the consequences.