7. Trevelyan, English Revolution (30 Jul 2014)

Crisply narrates the events of the Stuart restoration and Hanoverian succession, focusing on the prudential resolution of unprecedented constitutional questions. Though open to charges of Whiggish history, Trevelyan usefully shows the subsequent sociopolitical consequences of the Glorious Revolution through the long 18th century (i.e., to the Victorian era). But the work exceeds such prescriptive intent: it is masterfully synthesized, the chapter on the settlement’s consequences in Scotland and Ireland also serving to negate the charge of triumphalism. While it is what I had come to understand from derivative works, it remains very good, standing the test of time in argument and writing.

11. Trevelyan, English Revolution, 1688-1689 (30 May 2020)

The Glorious Revolution settled the two-part question of supremacy in English political and religious matters by compromising: Whiggish views of the monarchy and Tory high church preferences prevailed. The ultimate winner was Coke and Selden’s view that the king is chief servant but not master of the law. Like 1660’s restoration of Charles II, the revolution of 1688 ended lawless rule by restoring time-honored customs. Had James II submitted to Parliament, the scope of legal change would have been greater, for the monarch would have been circumscribed, but the hierarchy would have been less clear cut. (The subsequent independence of judges themselves was one of the broadest formal changes.) Writing with verve, Trevelyan shows it to be the decisive event in English constitutional history through the 20th century. Economic prosperity and geopolitical hegemony consequently followed. Although compromise prevailed in England, the victory was one-sided in Scotland and Ireland. To the north of the border, Catholics became Jacobites while Cavaliers opposed the Argyles and Whiggish ministers, especially after Holyrood acceded to Westminster. Across the sea, Protestants dependent on England emasculated native leaders save for Catholic priests, choking off the possibility of reform. Indeed, although the 18th-century English understandably favored institutional conservatism, and did effectively channel working-class and Radical sentiment into a system headed by Parliament, it was late in responding to the industrial economy and delivering the Reform Act.