8. Cox, Other Oregon (26 April 2022)

Synthesizes historical research and journalism to sketch the socioeconomic trajectory of Oregon east of the Cascades since 1850, observing the arid yet variegated environment shapes the populace but its communities have never managed a workable approach to land usage. Between 1845-70, some 400,000 settlers passed through on the way to Portland and the Willamette Valley. Some stayed, others came directly in pursuit of mining, lumber, livestock, and dry farming, especially wheat in the north/northeast. The author rejects the ‘colonial’ economic paradigm: while outside capital was often required, these were individual agents in pursuit of a better way of living. The federal government initially sought to manage Indian claims – calling into question ‘Manifest Destiny’ as a policy. Later the Carey Act (1894), concerned with irrigation, the Taylor Grazing Act (1934), and others aimed to restrict and proscribe ‘exploitive’ land usage. Though Carey generally failed its purpose, it reshaped central Oregon, particularly Redmond and Bend (Oregon’s Jackson Hole, no longer belonging to the high desert paradigm). Indeed there is substantial evidence of Progressivism’s shortcomings: outside experts simply weren’t, but only another self-interested party. Late 19th-century railroads shaped regional economic development, but in the 1920s and 30s state-managed highways did more to enlarge eastern Oregon’s worldview, surprisingly including commodity export. In the postwar era, birds not the broader conservation movement drew in outside nonprofits, yet conflicts broadened into local defenders of property rights pitted against external, self-styled land managers. Cox devotes a large part to more recent controversies in the easternmost counties such as Grant, noting the state is deemed to evidence America’s highest degree of county autonomy. Detailed with personal anecdote and descriptive but not quite analytic, Cox leaves one yet searching for a balanced polity encompassing external actors.

Philosophy of history versus free will

Philosophy of history – belief in an engine directing events – acts against the free will of men in society:

The intellectual elite claim to understand the direction of history, as well as the scientific workings of the world, and thus feel authorized to impose their rationality on all aspects of society—including areas that had traditionally been regarded as private. This new scientific morality made it possible to present the bureaucracy’s policy preferences as moral justifications for progressivism and administrative rule. There was no limit to the power that could be used to make sure that everyone gets on “the right side of history,” as then-president Obama used to say. But that new morality and those policies could never be made compatible with limited constitutionalism and the rule of law. That is the root of the political crisis we face today.

It has become almost impossible to reconcile administrative rule with self-government. The morality mandated intellectually by our elites has destabilized traditional social institutions and produced a chaotic civil society, undermining any public deliberation and authentic public opinion capable of reconciling morality with the consent of the governed. The technical rule of experts downplayed the role of popular deliberation and public opinion, and also made it harder for any public debate to occur in an intelligent and effective way. Although self-government depends on public opinion to determine what can be done politically, that opinion cannot legitimately be mandated or controlled from the center. It must arise deliberatively from the people in the country at large, and should originate in civil society.

And:

It remains to be seen if the American people understand or will come to understand themselves as political citizens of the nation-state, or as administrative subjects of a scientific global order.

Glenn Ellmers, ‘What Trump and Covid Revealed’